University and the Narrative of Ethno-Religious Relations in West Kalimantan

: The purpose of this study is to describe and analyze educational institutions' contribution to the study of Islam and ethnicity in West Kalimantan and to see the relationship between the two. The method used is qualitative, with a literature study approach and documentation of published or published materials. Data analysis by classifying thematically and qualitative description. Testing the validity of the data was carried out using triangulation. The analysis results concluded that educational institutions in West Kalimantan had significantly contributed to building ethnoreligious narratives in West Kalimantan. Through lecturers and students, educational institutions such as IAIN Pontianak, Tanjungpura University Pontianak, IAIN Sambas, Pontianak State Polytechnic have conducted studies on Islam and ethnicity. In particular, studies on Islam and Malay, Islam and Dayak, Islam and China (Chinese), Islam and Madura, and Islam and Bugis are carried out by lecturers and students studying in educational institutions and society. These studies also strengthen the ethnoreligious narrative that Islam is an inessential part of theconstructinghnic communities in West Kalimantan. The systematic research design presents important social engineering material for the future of religious and ethnic relations, especially Islam and ethnicity in this area.


I. INTRODUCTION
Islam in Kalimantan has existed since the 7th century, or the beginning of Islam's birth in the holy land (Rahmadi, 2020). While in the West Kalimantan region, namely Sambas, the Hanafi Muslim community was founded by European writers in the 15th century. This group is associated with the Chinese army (khubilai khan), who is Muslim and adheres to the Hanafi school. However, there is no detailed information about the situation, development, and figures associated with the Hanafi Muslim group.
Some writers mention Islam in the Ketapang, Sukadana, and Sintang regions --other areas in West Kalimantan, in the 17th century (Atmojo, 2016). Islam is practiced by residents in various areas in West Kalimantan. As far as we know, Islam is well accepted. There are no records of conflict or the spread of Islam by force and violence against the local community. Even then, Islam flourished widely in the region. Establish a robust network of Islamization. Islam is dominant and developed in important points in this region: Pontianak, Mempawah, Sambas, Sukadana, Ketapang, Ngabang, Tayan, Sanggau, Sekadau, Sintang, Nanga Pinoh, Jongkong, Bunut to Putussibau.
West Kalimantan became part of an important area of Islamic development (Ikhwan & Jailani, 2014). This network of scholars in Borneo and the western region forms a distinctive picture of the history of the 18th century and beyond. The region, located on the third largest island in the world, after Greenland and Papua, has links with the Islamic kingdoms of the archipelago, such as the Kingdom of Brunei, Banten, Riau, Banjar, and even the Bugis. This interaction produced its dynamics for the development of Islam in the coastal area and along the Kapuas River to the interior. Many Islamic empires have grown. It is no coincidence that Islamic kingdoms existed at all major trading points along the coast of this island. On the west coast, there are Sambas, Mempawah, Pontianak, and Sukadana, while in the interior, there are Landak, Tayan, Sanggau, and Sintang. To be sure, the landscape of West Kalimantan is colored by Islamic history, becoming a driving force for the mobility and settlement of people from various regions; present social and religious interactions (Huda et al., 2020). Then, the main cities in West Kalimantan became a melting pot (Soriente, 2020); (Zulfauzan et al., 2019), which then presented diversity as seen today.
Although a long history brings pride, and diversity brings beauty, however, specifically for West Kalimantan, the situation is different. Diversity is often a problem. History and legacy, a shared pride, are the basis for separating one identity from another. Shared heritage does not become a unifying emotional bond. In that situation, the question is whether the university contributes. Or what kind of

II. METHOD
The research method used in this research is descriptive qualitative research with a literature study and documentation approach. The research was conducted by collecting data from various publications related to the study of Islam and ethnicity in the West Kalimantan region, especially in Pontianak and Sambas. Data was collected through publication searches in regional library collections and also through publication data that had been published online. Data collection activities were carried out in the July-August 2022 period, and an update was carried out with additional data in October 2022 and several report improvements. The data obtained were then processed and classified thematically, and the results are described in this article. An analysis is done by reading, collecting, and synthesizing information from various relevant sources. Data validity in qualitative research can be obtained through triangulation by comparing and matching findings with different sources to get a comprehensive and in-depth understanding of the phenomenon being studied (Hamilton & Finley, 2020); (Ikhwan, 2021).

Overview of West Kalimantan and Peoples
West Kalimantan is a province in the western part of the island of Borneo. The capital of West Kalimantan is located in Pontianak, which is located at the intersection of the Kapuas River-Landak River. Pontianak City was founded by the Sultan of Pontianak, Sultan Syarif Abdurrahman Alqadrie, in 1771 AD, becoming an essential part of Islamization in this region. In West Kalimantan, several campuses are beacons of knowledge development. In addition to the IAIN Pontianak campus, whose forerunner has existed since the 1970s, here there are also public universities: Tanjungpura Pontianak State University, Panca Bhakti University, Pontianak Muhammadiyah University, West Kalimantan Nahdlatul Ulama University, PGRI Pontianak or Teacher Training Institute (IKIP), and several more high schools and academies.
Pontianak also became a gathering place for residents from various regions and tribes, and religions. Their interaction gave birth to distinctive forms, later partially researched by academics. According to statistical data, the population of West Kalimantan in 2021 is 5. 470,797. Million. The number consists of various tribes and religions. Mention a high level of ethnic diversity in Malay groups and Dayaks (Lontaan, 1975). So does (King, 1982), in his book The People of Borneo, who mentions a large group of Dayaks, Malays, and Chinese, each of which has its subgroups. Malay culture in Kalimantan that is widely known include: jepin, hadrah, barzanji, syair, tumpang negeri, mandi bedil, nikah, tar, pencak silat, saprahan. These cultures of which are associated with Islamic culture. Some authors mention mixing Malay and Islamic cultures with the term hybrid (Kurniawan, 2018); (Amin, 2013). Nevertheless, in a broad context, this concept needs to be discussed again. Because several other studies mention that Islam becomes, a spirit or at least gives a distinctive color to Malay culture. If so, the position between Islam as a religion and Malay as an ethnicity is not parallel.
The scholars (ulama) in this area played an essential role in the development of Islam and the social transformation of the Malay community in the region. Their contributions covering religious, educational, political, social, and other fields have significantly impacted the excellence of civilization (Parwanto, 2019). Muhammad Basiuni Imran has used a realistic approach in accordance with the customs and situation of the community in West Kalimantan, especially in Sambas, in solving religious issues. Muhammad Basiuni Imran's role in Islamic da'wah can be seen through Islamizing the Dayak in Sambas. In addition, there are Khatib As-Sambasi, Something has changed in the Dayak people. In the past, when this community embraced Islam they became Malays. They are known as "Masuk Melayu", or "Turun Melayu" (Lathifah, 2018). In some places, including in Kapuas Hulu, there are indeed rituals for this process, by undergoing rituals of groundwater bathing (srotu), circumcision, and shahadah. The large-scale "srotu" process occurred in the late 1960s, in Sungai Buah or Sungai Besar, in Boyan, Kapuas Hulu, in the interior. At that time, Ibans' longhouse (equivalent to one village) embraced Islam simultaneously (Yusriadi et al., 2021).
In the interior of West Kalimantan, the terms "Senganan" and "Sinan" are also known for Dayak people who embrace Islam (Kadir & Hinta, 2021). In Malawi, the Kebahan community is known (Prasojo, 2017); (Yusriadi & Muttaqin, 2018). If in East Kalimantan, there are Paser and Kutai; in Central Kalimantan and South Kalimantan, there is Bakumpai, which in addition to appearing with a new identity, is also often referred to as Dayak Islam. Dayak Islam in these three regions of Kalimantan inspired communities in West Kalimantan. In the late 1990s, the term Dayak Islam was formally introduced with the formation of the Islamic Dayak Family Association (Ikatan Keluarga Dayak Islam or IKDI) by Rudy Alamsyahrum and colleagues.
There are two reasons to use the term, Dayak Islam. First, the argument that what changed for them was religion, not ethnicity. Therefore, when they have embraced Islam, they are still Dayak people, not lost their tribal identity. Second, politically, this identity is used as a cultural strategy to overcome the ethnoreligious polarization in West Kalimantan. When the Dayak-Malay polarization conflict is so apparent and at two opposite poles, then the presence of Dayak Islam is intended to bridge the two camps. At the very least, the polarization does not further jeopardize West Kalimantan's security. However, seeing that people who were on the board of the organization in the early days, including Rudi Alamsyahrum, chairman of the West Kalimantan Provincial Parliament DPRD from the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (Partai Demokrasi Indonesia Perjuangan or PDIP), the presence and reconstruction of Dayak Islam is very quickly associated with political interests.
The argument above, reinforced in the research of (Halim et al., 2021), states that this identity is a consequence for those who convert to Islam because they do not abandon Dayak's identity. Choosing Islam for the Dayak does not necessarily mean a transformation of identity from Dayak to Malay; instead, they remained Dayaks despite their conversion. For example, in traditions such as the "ngantar buah pulang" ritual, this Dayak ritual is replaced with an Islamic thanksgiving ritual. It replaces the spelling of mantras with prayers to God. Fitriana gave an example of the culture of oloh salam as a form of interaction (Fitriana, 2018).
The compromise of Islam and Dayak can also be seen in Faizal Amin's use of the term hybrid to refer to the interaction of Muslim communities (unclear tribes) and Dayaks (Amin, 2013). Kurniawan also uses hybrid terminology to indicate the relationship between Islam and "local culture" (Kurniawan, 2018). This local culture is partly Malay but partly reflects its association with the Dayak tribe. This hybrid produces a typical pattern of forming a new identity for the Islamic Dayak community. More or less, the same thing happened in Central Kalimantan (Haryanto, 2013).
Third: China. Chinese, preferably Chinese or Tionghoa, is one of the ethnic groups that is important in the dynamics of ethnicity in Kalimantan, especially in West Kalimantan. China is the common name for the Khek-Hakka and Teochiew groups, having a strict identity boundary within the common knowledge of the people. These tribes came to Borneo in the 17th century and formed a dominant colony through partnerships in the Sambas region and its surroundings. Singkawang is the second largest city in West Kalimantan, identified as a Chinese city. The long history of this ethnic group in West Kalimantan (and in Indonesia) went through a dark chapter in the late 1960s and 1990s. However, in another decade, China gained a leading place in the social dynamics of West Kalimantan. Political and economic elites became important factors in the development of this region.

Ethno-religious Studies in West Kalimantan
Interactions in the same geographical space make ethnoreligious dynamics in the West Kalimantan region attractive. This problem has been mentioned in (King, 1982). In general, some ethnic groups are seen as opposites and are binarily polarized. The indigenous Dayak people are on the Non-Islamic side, while the indigenous Malays are on the other side, namely Islam. Dayak became essential to Christianity and Catholicism. This religious and tribal synergy is seen in the Christmas joint event for the Dayak people (Arisandie, 2021 (Husna, 2019). The prayers in Malay events use prayers in an Islamic manner. The riots of 1997 and 1999, as well as several other minor riots, showed that religion became a strong bond to unite ethnic groups, and conversely, aga-ma also fueled community anger. Although the issue of dancing triggered the riots in 1997 in a music performance in Sanggau Ledo, West Kalimantan, at a certain level or circle, the issue extends to ethnic areas. The solidarity of ethnic groups involved in the riots was pervasive in religious areas. So, in the end, the scale of the riots expanded with ethnic-religious emotional help.
On the other hand, to minimize conflict, efforts to neutralize issues also refer to ethnoreligious groups. For example, there was an attempt to localize the Sambas riots of 1999-2000 by constructing a narrative that the religion or rather religion adopted by one of the groups involved in the riots was a different religious sect. So even though religion is the same on the surface, there is a narrative that emerges about inequality, or all the differences, can still be distinguished from the practice of religious practice.
Some of the symbols used by riot actors are also the same. The two groups carried the same shout of encouragement as they faced off. However, they feel that although they share the same religion, they differ in several ways. Meanwhile, the relationship between Islam and Dayak has been mentioned in several articles. (Muthohar & Masykhur, 2020)  There are several writings about Malay-Islamic culture (Kurniawan, 2019); (Asfar, 2018). These writings illustrate the strong relationship between Islam and local culture. The term local culture refers to Malays; however, it also shows its "closeness" to Dayak culture. The term hybrid Islam or the Islamization of local culture, describes the relationship between Islam-Malay and Dayak.
Today, some Sambas cultures cannot be separated from Islam. For example, in the Sambas Malay saprah culture (Wahab, 2017); (Ikhwan et al., 2019), the tradition of pregnancy to birth (Masmuri & Suratman, 2021), the marriage tradition in Sambas culture (Mualimin et al., 2018), the Sambas be saprah tradition (Mualimin, 2020), as well as taboos (Kurniawan, 2019). Apart from the Dayaks, the reviewers also discussed the interaction between Muslims and Chinese. (Murtadlo, 2013) describes how local Chinese Muslims color each other to produce a distinctive China, which is different from other regions. (Gintari et al., 2013) reported that several Chinese embraced Islam in Singkawang. In general, there needs to be more adaptation between them. Some people even display a disconnect between their Chinese family and environment. The distance between Islam and China clearly illustrates and emphasizes the polarity and complexity of socio-religious issues.
The writings published above have provided an overview of Islam entering and developing massively, giving color and being practiced by ethnic communities. So strong and deep is the connection that in some ethnic cultures, the two are difficult to separate. This interaction is described in (Muthohar & Masykhur, 2020). There are ethnic groups that are grouped in Islamic groups, and vice versa. On the other hand, there are ethnic groups that are positioned in binary in non-Islamic groups. Representing the first group are Malay and Banjar, while in the binary position are the Dayak and Chinese groups. However, the ethnoreligious distance was bridged by the Senganan group and Islamic Dayak and Chinese Muslim groups. This view is a shortcut that ignores the factor of recognition as an essential part of viewing ethnicity and identity in Kalimantan. (Prayitno, 2016) statements are interesting to note. On the one hand, religious beliefs can strengthen or weaken the social power of ethnicity. On the other hand, ethnicity can submit to and be under the shadow of the power of religious beliefs.

University Contributions
Through lecturers and university students, educational institutions have contributed to raising the theme of ethnoreligious in West Kalimantan. The academic community has influenced the situation and the developed narrative regarding the relationship between ethnicity and religion. For the most part, studies are carried out by university lecturers. For example, from IAIN Pontianak, several names of researchers are known; For example, writes about occult knowledge among the Malay people in Kapuas Hulu. Likewise, (Prasojo, 2017)  Overall these universities in West Kalimantan have paid attention to the study of Islam, especially regarding Muslim-Malay society. In this way, they contribute to reconstructing Islamic history and ethnoreligious relations. They have contributed to shaping the narrative about the people and society of this area.

IV. CONCLUSION
The studies on Islam and ethnicity in West Kalimantan that have been carried out so far have been quite adequate. These studies form a narrative that Islam and ethnicity are interrelated, both in the context of strengthening or weakening the social power of that ethnicity. The relationship between the two has long been associative. Islam has entered West Kalimantan at least since the 17th century, interacting with residents in West Kalimantan who consist of various ethnicities. Representing this picture are Malays, Madurese, and Bugis. Meanwhile, the relationship between Islam, Dayak, and Tionghoa (China) is dissociative in several ways and places them opposite each other in a binary way. However, lately, the dissociative nature has shifted towards associative by looking at the emergence of Islamic Dayaks, Muslim Chinese, etc. In this situation, the adaptation process occurs even with various obstacles. Academics from universities have contributed to this issue. The researchers brought up detailed information about the shifts and developments of narratives amid academic and ethnic communities as well. They took a position explaining the situation and forming a new narrative regarding ethnoreligious relations in this area. However, it must also be acknowledged that this contribution has yet to be maximized. There were still very few people -compared to the total number that should have been involved, many fragments had not been touched. Efforts to form a narrative have not been massive. Universities still have the opportunity to take a more significant role in ethnoreligious social engineering and contribute significantly to the future interests of inter-ethnic and religious relations in West Kalimantan.